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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">imi</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Международная аналитика</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Journal of International Analytics</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2587-8476</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-9633</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO University</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.46272/2587-8476-2018-0-2-7-18</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">imi-178</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>Статьи</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Vox populi, vox Dei?  Великие державы и голосование в Генеральной Ассамблее ООН</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Titans Jousting for the Mob: Great Powers  and Voting in the UN General Assembly</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Истомин</surname><given-names>И. А.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Istomin</surname><given-names>I.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>канд. полит. наук, доцент кафедры прикладного анализа международных проблем</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Ph.D. (Political Science), associate professorDepartment of Applied International Political Analysis</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">iaistomin@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru">МГИМО МИД России<country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en">MGIMO University<country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2018</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>28</day><month>06</month><year>2018</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>2</issue><fpage>7</fpage><lpage>18</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Истомин И.А., 2018</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2018</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Истомин И.А.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Istomin I.</copyright-holder><license license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.interanalytics.org/jour/article/view/178">https://www.interanalytics.org/jour/article/view/178</self-uri><abstract><p>Целью настоящей работы стала оценка положения России, Kитая и США при голосованиях в Генеральной Ассамблее ООН в 2000–2010-х гг. Высокий уровень поддержки в рамках ГА ООН является индикатором признания политики государства со стороны большей части международного сообщества. Такая поддержка может быть использована для международной легитимации осуществляемого курса и сокращения издержек на его проведение. Прежде чем перейти к анализу опыта ГА ООН, в работе определяются общие тенденции развития отношений между крупными государствами в 2010-х гг. Кроме того, рассматриваются институциональный мандат и особенности работы Генеральной Ассамблеи. После этого представляются результаты статистического анализа голосований в этом органе в период с 60-й по 71-ю сессию. Проведенное исследование свидетельствует о неблагоприятных трендах как для России, так и для Китая. Снижается средний уровень поддержки их позиций среди всех государств – членов ООН, а также корреляции голосования Москвы, Пекина и других крупных восходящих стран. США в 2010-х гг., напротив, существенно укрепили свои позиции в ГА ООН. Для Вашингтона решение этой задачи представлялось относительно простым, с учетом низкой изначальной базы. Заметным достижением администрации Б. Обамы стала консолидация крупнейших развитых стран вокруг Соединенных Штатов, в том числе в ООН. Тем не менее с учетом распространенного в американской элите скепсиса в отношении международных институтов, устойчивость достигнутого результата вызывает сомнения.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The article aims to assess current trends in the evolution of Russian, Chinese and American standing in the UN General Assembly (UNGA). This body as the most representative international body with wide thematical mandate enables to assess correlation in voting patterns of major powers and other participants of international community. Therefore, commonality of positions could be used as an indicator of positive recognition of national policy by UN Member-States. Such recognition could become a source of international legitimation for a strategy of a major power in global politics. The article starts with representing the key trend towards greater rivalry among major powers since the early 2010s. It claims that this competition to a large extent is exercised in institutionalized forums. It then examines an institutional mandate and operational dynamics of UNGA. After that it engages in descriptive statistical analysis of voting record in this body from its 60th to 71st sessions.The study demonstrates the rise of unfavorable trends for Russia and China in UNGA. Their positions receive lower levels of overall support from the whole population of UN Member-States. The same trends could be observed within BRICS and among their respective regional partners. The United States, on the contrary, improved their positions in the UNGA throughout the 2010s. This task was simplified by an extremely low base level of correlation in voting between Washington and other states. The administration of Barack Obama was especially successful in consolidation of major developed countries around the United States. However, due to the widespread skepticism towards the UN in the American political elite, there are no guarantees that the United States will be able to preserve increased level of convergence of political positions with other states in future.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>великие державы</kwd><kwd>Россия</kwd><kwd>Китай</kwd><kwd>США</kwd><kwd>международные институты</kwd><kwd>международное признание</kwd><kwd>легитимность</kwd><kwd>резолюции ГА ООН</kwd><kwd>БРИКС</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>«группа  семи»</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group xml:lang="ru"><funding-statement>Российский научный фонд (проект №17-78-20170)</funding-statement></funding-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Богатуров А. Д. 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