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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">imi</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Международная аналитика</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Journal of International Analytics</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2587-8476</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-9633</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO University</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-1-146-161</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">imi-313</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ОБЗОРНЫЕ СТАТЬИ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>RESEARCH ESSAY</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Белорусский национализм: проблемы и достижения</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Belarusian Nationalism: Taking Stock of Its Accomplishments</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2455-963X</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Иоффе</surname><given-names>Г.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Ioffe</surname><given-names>G.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Григорий Иоффе, профессор социально-экономической географии</p><p>VA 24142, Вирджиния, Рэдфорд, ул. Ист Мэйн, 801</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Grigory Ioﬀe, Professor of Human Geography</p><p>801, East Main Street, Radford, Virginia, VA 24142</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">gioffe@radford.edu</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru">Рэдфорский университет<country>Соединённые Штаты Америки</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en">Radford University<country>United States</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2021</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>15</day><month>02</month><year>2021</year></pub-date><volume>12</volume><issue>1</issue><fpage>146</fpage><lpage>161</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Иоффе Г., 2021</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2021</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Иоффе Г.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Ioffe G.</copyright-holder><license license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.interanalytics.org/jour/article/view/313">https://www.interanalytics.org/jour/article/view/313</self-uri><abstract><p>В статье рассмотрен феномен белорусского национализма. Белоруссия – страна с размытой национальной идентичностью, которая (возможно только пока) не до конца разорвала родственные связи с Россией. Согласно проведенному в апреле 2020 г. национальному репрезентативному исследованию, лишь 25% белорусов предпочли бы сохранить государственность и национальный суверенитет Белоруссии даже при падении уровня жизни, в то время как 52% согласились бы на ограничение суверенитета в обмен на сохранение или улучшение уровня жизни. Этот «секрет» белорусской государственности имеет далеко идущие последствия, которые не ограничиваются экономической зависимостью от Восточного соседа. В прошлом Белоруссия была пространством соперничества между русскими и поляками. Сегодня это страна с двумя разными историческими нарративами и планами национального строительства, которые противоречат друг другу с момента зарождения белорусского национального движения. В то время как неосоветский/руссоцентричный нарратив стал основной идеей для большинства белорусов, западноцентричный нарратив пережил череду неудач и получил развитие только в постперестроечный период. В статье анализируются преимущества и недостатки двух нарративов, а также попытки преодолеть разрыв между ними. Отмечается, что в белорусском обществе существует два разных раскола: между вышеупомянутыми проектами национального строительства, а также между сторонниками Лукашенко и его критиками. Фракции по разные стороны этих расколов не всегда совпадают, однако в последнее время наблюдается тенденция описывать затянувшийся белорусский политический кризис через призму национализма. В статье подчеркивается, что отсутствие устойчивой белорусской национальной идентичности представляет экзистенциальную угрозу для белорусской государственности. </p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Belarus is a country with a blurred identity that has not cut the umbilical cord connecting it with Mother Russia. According to a representative national survey of April 2020, only 25 percent of Belarusians would prefer to retain statehood and national sovereignty of Belarus even if their living standards worsen whereas 52 percent would opt for limited sovereignty if it is the price to pay for retaining or improving the quality of life. This may be the best-kept secret of Belarus and it has implications more serious than just economic dependency on Belarus’s eastern neighbor. Belarus used to be a contested borderland claimed by both Russians and Poles. Today, it is a country with two historical narratives and nation-building blueprints that have been confronting each other since the inception of the Belarusian national movement. While the neo-Soviet/Russo-centric narrative has held sway over the majority of Belarusians, the Westernizing narrative was hard-hit on several occasions but has been making headway since Gorbachev’s Perestroika. Pluses and minuses of two narratives and the attempts at bridging the gap between them are analyzed. There are essentially two kinds of divisions in Belarusian society: between the respective projects of nation-building and between Lukashenka loyalists and his detractors. These two divisions do not quite coincide, but there is a growing tendency to couch the ongoing political crisis in nationalist terms. The point is made that a lack of cohesive Belarusian identity is an existential threat to Belarusian statehood.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>белорусский национализм</kwd><kwd>Лукашенко</kwd><kwd>национальная идентичность</kwd><kwd>историческая память</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Belarusian nationalism</kwd><kwd>Lukashenka</kwd><kwd>national identity</kwd><kwd>historical memory</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Булгаков, В. История белорусского национализма. – Вильнюс: Институт белорусистики, 2006. – 331 c.</mixed-citation><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Bulgakov, Valer. History of Belarusian Nationalism. 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