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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">imi</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Международная аналитика</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Journal of International Analytics</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2587-8476</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-9633</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO University</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-3-154-172</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">imi-389</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ОБЗОРНЫЕ СТАТЬИ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>RESEARCH ESSAY</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Взаимодействие стран Латинской Америки и Карибского бассейна с постсоветским пространством: к вопросу об эволюции дипломатических связей</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Latin America and the Caribbean Meet the Post-Soviet World: Can Pro Forma Diplomacy Evolve?</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Санчес</surname><given-names>У. А.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Sanchez</surname><given-names>W. A.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Уайлдер Алехандро Санчес, независимый исследователь по вопросам геополитики и обороны</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Wilder Alejandro Sanchez, independent geopolitical and defense analyst</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">wilder.a.sanchez@gmail.com</email></contrib></contrib-group><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2021</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>21</day><month>10</month><year>2021</year></pub-date><volume>12</volume><issue>3</issue><elocation-id>154–172</elocation-id><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Санчес У.А., 2021</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2021</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Санчес У.А.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Sanchez W.A.</copyright-holder><license license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.interanalytics.org/jour/article/view/389">https://www.interanalytics.org/jour/article/view/389</self-uri><abstract><p>Х33 страны, составляющие регион Латинской Америки и Карибского бассейна, и 11 стран бывшего Советского Союза (не считая Российской Федерации и трех стран Прибалтики плюс Монголия) находятся на периферии глобальных геополитических процессов с ограниченным международным влиянием или во власти конфликтов, нарушивших их внутреннее равновесие и международный имидж за последнее десятилетие. Хотя тема того, как периферийные страны и регионы взаимодействуют друг с другом, анализировалась в академических кругах, углубленных исследований отношений между этими конкретными регионами очень мало. Анализ, изложенный в данной статье, направлен на восполнение этого пробела, оперирует примерами из недавнего прошлого по таким вопросам, как торговля и дипломатические обмены между правительствами стран Латинской Америки и Карибского бассейна и их постсоветскими визави. В статье обсуждается вопрос местонахождения (или его отсутствия) посольств: тема, практически не обсуждаемая в исследуемой литературе. Делается вывод, что отсутствие видения большой стратегии является серьезным препятствием для укрепления отношений между государствами исследуемых регионов. Наиболее вероятный сценарий – это межблочные торговые соглашения, однако пандемия COVID-19 и другие насущные проблемы, с которыми сталкиваются эти страны, означают, что соглашения с географически удаленными государствами, которые не являются торговыми партнерами или потенциальными источниками финансовой помощи, не рассматриваются в качестве приоритетов.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The 33 countries that constitute Latin America and the Caribbean and the 11 countries of the former Soviet Union (not counting the Russian Federation and the three Baltic nations) conform 44 states which are, with a few exceptions, on the periphery of global geopolitical aff airs, with limited international infl uence or at the mercy of confl icts that have disrupted their internal balance and international image in the past decade. While the topic of how peripheral nations and regions interact with each other has been analyzed in academia, in-depth studies about relations between these specifi c regions are very limited and scarce. This paper seeks to fi ll in that gap by providing recent examples on issues like trade and high-profi le diplomatic visits between Latin American and Caribbean governments with their post-Soviet counterparts. Moreover, I will discuss the issue of the location (or lack thereof) of embassies, a topic not discussed in the consulted literature, as an example of how governments from peripheral states and limited budgets decide where to open an embassy. It is proposed here that the 44 states that make up Latin America, the Caribbean, and the post-Soviet world will remain cordial and friendly strangers for the foreseeable future. A lack of grand-strategy vision, with a few exceptions, is a major hindrance to stronger relations between these states. The most plausible scenario is bloc-to-bloc trade agreements; however, the COVID-19 pandemic and more pressing issues that these countries face mean that treaties with geographically distant states that are not trading partners or potential sources of fi nancial aid are not regarded as priorities.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Латинская Америка</kwd><kwd>Карибский бассейн</kwd><kwd>постсоветское пространство</kwd><kwd>дипломатия</kwd><kwd>торговля</kwd><kwd>Центральная Азия</kwd><kwd>Кавказ</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Latin America</kwd><kwd>Caribbean</kwd><kwd>post-Soviet World</kwd><kwd>Diplomacy</kwd><kwd>Trade</kwd><kwd>Central Asia</kwd><kwd>Caucasus</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Курылев, К.П., Мачавариани Г.Г. 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