imiМеждународная аналитикаJournal of International Analytics2587-84762541-9633MGIMO University10.46272/2587-8476-2024-15-3-138-156imi-574Research ArticleОБЗОРНЫЕ СТАТЬИRESEARCH ESSAYГенезис польского популизма (1945–2023) и его влияние на трансформацию и поддержку «Права и справедливости*»Genesis of Polish Populism (1945–2023) and its Impact on the Transformation and Support of “Law and Justice”МирзаджановТ. Э.MirzadzhanovT. E.

Тамерлан Эльдарович Мирзаджанов, соискатель кафедры сравнительной политологии 

119454, Москва, пр-т Вернадского, 76

Tamerlan E. Mirzadzhanov, postgraduate student, Department of Comparative Political Science

76, Vernadsky avenue, Moscow, 119454

mrgamer1@rambler.ruМГИМО МИД РоссииРоссияMoscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO)Russian Federation202422102024153138155Copyright © Мирзаджанов Т.Э., 20242024Мирзаджанов Т.Э.Mirzadzhanov T.E.This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.https://www.interanalytics.org/jour/article/view/574

В статье анализируется процесс формирования и утверждения польского популизма на современном этапе в лице правящей партии «Право и справедливость» (ПиС, Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc) с применением теоретического аппарата неоинституционализма, а также исторического и сравнительного подходов. Рассматриваются как общие черты популизма, так и особенные для Восточной Европы. Также изучается процесс развития представлений, практик и результатов, способствующих укоренению популистских ценностей и картины мира в польском общественном сознании в рамках концепции колеи зависимости (path dependence). В заключительной части описываются сущностные ориентиры, идеология, программа и электорат ПиС. Партия сравнивается со своим главным конкурентом «Гражданской платформой» (ГП, Platforma Obywatelska) с точки зрения стратегии, также упоминаются конкретные результаты правления ПиС. Польша отличается слабыми и неустойчивыми связями между избирателями и партиями, что приводит к отсутствию стабильной социальной базы поддержки у партий и, в свою очередь, ведет к их постоянному дроблению, высокой партийной волатильности. Партии в Польше исторически являются организациями с самым низким уровнем общественного доверия. В подобном контексте партии, которые смогут по-настоящему привлечь избирателя, моментально окажутся в более выгодном положении. Одним из наиболее подходящих методов потому являются простые, зачастую примитивные лозунги, непримиримость дискурса, агрессивность риторики, невыполнимые обещания всеобщего изобилия, резкое противопоставление себя всем остальным и отказ от демократических норм представительства в пользу сильного лидерства, то есть классический популизм.

The article analyzes the formation of Polish populism at the present stage represented by the ruling Law and Justice Party (PiS, Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc) using the theoretical apparatus of neoinstitutionalism, as well as historical and comparative approaches. Both general features of populism and those specific to Eastern Europe are considered. The process of development of ideas, practices and results contributing to the rooting of populist values and a picture of the world in the Polish public consciousness is also studied within the framework of the path dependence concept. The final part describes the essential guidelines, ideology, program and electorate of  PiS. The party is compared with its main competitor Civic Platform (PO, Platforma Obywatelska) in terms of its strategy, and specific results of PiS rule are also mentioned. Poland is characterized  by weak and unstable connections between voters and parties, which leads to the absence of a stable social base and support for parties and, in turn, leads to their constant fragmentation and high party volatility. Parties in Poland have historically been organizations with the lowest level of public trust. In such a context, parties that can truly attract voters will immediately find themselves in a more advantageous position. One of the most suitable methods is therefore simple, often primitive slogans, intransigence of discourse, aggressive rhetoric, unrealistic promises of universal abundance, sharp opposition to everyone else and the rejection of democratic norms of representation in favor of strong leadership, that is, classic populism.

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The authors declare that there are no conflicts of interest present.