Asian-Pacific region remains the world economy’s driving force. Against this background, old unresolved problems as well as emerging new challenges could worsen stability. Necessity of working out balanced structures to maintain regional stability and decrease the rising competition between the US and China, is on the agenda. In this respect, ASEAN has not lost its credibility. Its joint experience, as well as that of the East Asian summit, is worth reviewing for better use in common interests. The United States, for its part, is striving for creation of TPP as a tool for keeping its influence in East Asia. China is becoming Washington’s principal rival in the region and is working out its own alternative plans. It is in Russia’s interest to continue the drawing up of sectoral security structures under the ASEAN and EAS umbrella. From economic point of view, it is necessary to speed up implementation of the Siberia and Far East development projects.

The article discusses the role of Siberia and Far East regions in the integration process in the Asia-Pacific region, whose importance for Russia has increased after introduction of anti-Russian economic sanctions. The article describes the shortcomings of Russia’s eastern regions impeding integration with Asia-Pacific, provides recommendations how to remove them. The factors that will determine the direction of the APR in the next 20 years are listed. The analysis of areas where cooperation could bring the development of eastern regions of Russia and the Asia-Pacific region is given.

The article deals with the unsolved territorial disputes inherited by East Asia countries (Japan, South Korea, China, Russia) after the World War II. It is shown how the countries of this region are trying to solve these problems or to use them in their own interests in domestic and foreign political actions.

The details of China’s political (internal and foreign) development under the rule of Xi Jinping in respect to recent trends in Russia-China relations having reached the level of strategic conjugation (战略对接) are being discussed in the article. Different theoretical approaches to the concept of Silk Road Economic Belt, prospects and problems of its practical implementation are considered as well as the possible change in China’s position and its role in international affairs in the Asia-Pacific region and in the global scale.

The author considers practical and historical aspects of territorial conflicts between Japan and neighboring countries, i.e. with Russia on South Kuril islands (Northern territories), with China on Diaoyudao (Senkaku) islands and with Korea on Tokto (Takeshima) island. Theoretical issues of so called “constructed territories” in these three cases are analyzed. These constructed territories act as a diplomatic tool for a state to maximize its interests in the international field. But no win for no country in this dangerous game is expected.

This article is devoted to the cooperation of Russia and China in Central Asia. The article studies the options for agreed implementation of Russia-sponsored Eurasian Economic Union and China-sponsored Economic belt of Silk Road.

The article analyses the process of Sino-Russian rapprochement which has significantly intensified since the worsening of Russia’s relations with the West in 2014. This process is studied as a part of the emerging of Greater Eurasia in place of Greater Europe which was envisioned in late 1980s. The states of Greater Eurasia, will not be tied by alliance relations, as are the United States and its European satellites. Some of them may turn to different centers of power; however, on the whole, they will form a unity, brought together by core interests. Precisely, this kind of democratic unity of Greater Europe could not be established by the United States and its allies. Attempting to subordinate every state to their dictates, they have united allies from most of Eastern Europe but lost Russia and Central Asia, and are increasingly antagonizing China and India, forcing them to draw closer to each other even in spite of significant contradictions. Only the future will tell who will succeed and who will not.

After eruption of Ukrainian crisis special attention is paid to the relations between Russia, China and USA becoming one of the most notable phenomenons of modern international policy. What are the reasons? What is the essence of relations in the triangle? How interaction is evolving after Ukrainian crisis? What are the peculiarities of relations in the triangle under current conditions and what will be their impact to the international policy in future?

The article discusses modern state of Chinese-American relations under the conditions of simultaneous existence of rivalry and cooperation between two countries in the Asia-Pacific region. Up to the author’s view relations between China and USA depend increasingly on poor-predictable and fast-changing situation in the region. Facing difficulties in direct military containment, USA reveal certain flexibility in building relations with China. While establishing mechanisms of global control, China is not ready to change the mode of conduct immediately. For forecast of the future Sino-American relations the analysis of situation in the South China sea is of crucial importance.

Economic cooperation between China and Central Asia is developing successfully, though some unforeseen difficulties emerged in the process of regional integration. The main problem China faces currently is its image factor i.e. the problem of perception of China by the countries and peoples of Central Asia. The main task of China in the construction of Silk Road Economic Belt in the region is to improve and enrich its image and all its components.

The article describes the process which took place before establishment of Shanghai Cooperation Оrganization. Under analysis are negotiations between USSR and China on the issue of border delimitation which resulted in strengthening of mutual trust and creation of control mechanism in the sphere of armaments. The said cooperation in the sphere of regional security can be considered as a model for establishment of the similar mechanism of mutual trust between two shores of Taiwan strait. SCO is a proper model because China is a side of bilateral talks and takes real part in working out confidence-building measures as a foundation of security cooperation. The usage of these measures in the relations between Taiwan and China could become a model for development of intraregional cooperation in the East Asia (Asia-Pacific region)

The article describes main events in the political life of North Korea after Kim Chen-In rise to power, his struggle with military leadership and attempts to strengthen the role of North Korea Labour Party accompanied by further indoctrination of the people. Main problems of economic development and the prospect of market regulation implementation are being assessed. Instability of the regime and attempts of South Korea, Japan and US pressurize North Korea along with nuclear problem being far from settlement is considered as one of main geopolitical threats in the North-East Asia.

Against the background of wide range of the “Islamic state” terrorismin the Middle East, the aggravating civil war in Afghanistan does not reduce the threat of destabilization beyond Russia’s southern borders. The Taliban’s terrorism in IRA is recently becoming even more diversified through the infiltration of the IS ideology and militancy to IRA northern enclave. Reshaping of the US and NATO military presence in that country did not help to stabilize the situation that is facing the whole complex of unresolved problems. This reality urged Washington to prolong the military presence till 2017 amid new efforts to strengthen its positions in Central Asia.

This article is devoted to one of the most complicated issues of the regional politics in the Central and South Asia – the presidential elections in Afghanistan in 2014. The article studies the outcome and results of the presidential elections, political and juridical dilemmas around these results, the consequences of so called «political transit» in Afghanistan.

The “One Belt One Road” initiative, is mainly to increase the regional cooperation and develop trade and economic collaboration. Nonetheless, with the OBOR initiatives China is also seen using commerce as a tool to expand its geopolitical and geostrategic influence. This article tries to highlight various aspects on “One Belt One Road”. The article would try to bring forth the insights, which helps in understanding the debates on new geo-political reality and trade and economic development through possible regional cooperation.

The author contemplates about the prospects of SCO development according to the strategy formulated at the Ufa-2015 summit and its possible conjugation of this strategy with Chinese initiative of Silk Road. The stages of China global policy and the most recent shifts as compared with the political attitudes of Deng Xiaoping era are described.

Short review of all reports and most important speeches of the participants of the 10-th SCO Forum in Khanty-Mansiisk.

The article gives a brief description of the essence of the agreement on the Trans-Pacific Partnership, reached on November 5, 2015. The possible positive and negative results of its practical implementation for the member countries of this project, primarily for the US and Japan, and the countries that have not joined the Partnership are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to the possible positive and negative aspects of the TTP impact on Russia and China. Recommendations how Russia and China could avoid the negative impact of the TTP are given. The article also deals with the problems and prospects of the Asia-Pacific free trade zone project (FTAAP).