The article explains the reasons for nomination and traces the dynamics of the contents of the “dialogue of civilizations” and “alliance of civilizations” concepts. The reasons and circumstances that led to the ineffectiveness of attempts at their practical implementation are considered. The corresponding initiatives did not have a genuinely civilizational scale, closing in the framework of two monotheistic religions – Christianity and Islam.

The author postulates two sets of problems, around which a possible intercivilizational dialogue is possible -demographic problems and consumption optimization.

Although the current globalization eliminates and blurs the differences between cultures in different regions of the world, different inclinations and preferences in thinking between East and West, historically grounded cultural specificities and different hierarchy of values play an important role in the approach to solving current problems of our time. Differences in perception of the world in relation to its surroundings, organization of human relations, emphasis on socio-economic aspects and models of management of public affairs between East and West are so great that we can talk about different geography of thought. This is particularly the comparison of Western culture and Confucian East Asian societies. It is reflected not only at the individual positions, but at system approaches that are a kind of form of identification of the collective consciousness of these cultures. In some cases these approaches and perception are contradictory and can be compared in terms of «versus» oppositions. It includes topics such as individuality vs. community, holistic vs. reductionist solutions, social order vs. revolt, responsibilities vs. rights, pragmatism vs. ontological beliefs, conflicting vs. complementary perception of the world and other concepts. The work seeks to contribute to the understanding of these divergent concepts and help bridging model approaches between the two spheres of civilization.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization is on the verge of a new transformation into a more influential international organization, which is why the SCO Forum held in Tashkent this year has become one of the most r epresentative of the recent years. The forum has been held regularly since 2006 and always brought together leading experts from the member countries of the organization. Due to the arrangements made by the Institute for Strategic and Interregional Studies under the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan, this year the member countries and observer countries took part in productive discussions on such important matters as stability and security in the region, as well as discussed prospects for expanding the organization concluding that the process should not dilute the fundamental principles of the Organization’s activities.

Experts have also agreed that bilateral contradictions between individual member countries should not hamper the achievement of general agreement and development of consensual decisions on key issues on the SCO agenda. The ‘Shanghai spirit’ enshrined in the Charter and based on the principles of mutual trust, benefit, equality, and prevention of any unlawful actions directed against the interests of other member states, should become an ethical code that emphasizes the high level of partnership and trust within the SCO framework. The inclusion of India and Pakistan in the SCO bears a special significance. Such enlargement will give the organization a completely different meaning, as well as lay out new tasks for member countries and open prospects for a new format of multilateral relations based on mutual consideration of interests within the institutional framework of the Organisation.

The subject of this expert study is an evaluation of risks and potential threats of globalization of the U.S. and the allied BMD systems as well as of their sea-based deployments as the most important component of integrated forward-based BMD systems. Negative consequences of the large-scale deployments of these systems for negotiating strategic arms limitations as well as for reversibility of the existing treaties are evident in the midterm perspective.

The versions of “moderate” qualitative and quantitative estimations of these plans and programs promoted by the U.S. and allied countries allow to become firmly convinced about intentions to create the phenomena of “a window of vulnerability” for the Russia’s SLBM and ICBM retaliation potential. This temporal interval tends to widen, owing to a lower limit by a deployment closer to seashore of defense installations and objects in the depth of territory, as well as, by a shorter time-reaction to launches of the strategic retaliation forces by sea-based BMD’s.

The most possible scenarios of the deployment of ships equipped with BMD’s and organized in groups that are engaged in “active-offensive” missions show the unavoidable necessity to include “a less favorable scenario” in the Russia’s strategic planning. The calculations adduced by the author give serious grounds to suggest that realization of corresponding plans of shipbuilding and deployments in the mid-term perspective will create conditions for reversibility of the existing strategic balance and totally undermine negotiating processes on arms control.

Nowadays military-technical cooperation is considered by many states as one of the effective tools for ensuring national security, as well as accomplishing a broader range of foreign policy objectives. Under a crisis of regional security environment, the Japanese government also concluded that further refusal to participate in international cooperation in the development and production of weapons begins to negatively affect its own defense capabilities. Nevertheless, Shinzo Abe-led Government’s plans to put an end to Japan’s self-isolation from external arms markets and thus strengthen relations with the United States in the military-and political fields are likely to lead to certain problems in Japan’s relations with such powerful regional actors as Russia and China.

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.

The paper deals with the phenomenon of the Qatari-Saudi rivalry in the Middle East in the context of dissimilarities between political programs and aspirations of the two states in the Middle East.

The following research undertakings are realized in the article:

• an explanation of the reasons of Qatar and the Saudi Kingdom’s domination in the Arab politics of the last 15 years;

• an analysis of the Qatari foreign policy and the regional geopolitical agenda of Qatar;

• an inquiry into the reasons and driving forces of the Saudi-Qatari conflict;

• a study of the external actors’ influence on the Saudi-Qatari conflict, taking into account the changers in the U.S. foreign policy;

• investigation of the different political strategies of the Saudi Arabia and UAE in Yemen which may lead to disintegration of this country.

The author emphasizes four main reasons for the Saudi-Qatari rivalry: support by the Qatari leadership of the international movement Muslim Brotherhood; tribal rivalry among the families of al-Saud and al-Thani; struggle for the ideological heritage of Muhammad Abdel Wahhab; different approaches to Iran, and its role in the region.

Facts backed up by documents and contemporary testimonies must serve as a basis for the consequencies of the events of 1917, as a verification of any impartial estimation and indiscriminate view on the most brutal revolt in history, and its consequences.

The Russian society needs an impartial, just and deep analysis of these events. Foremost this would require a clear civilised understanding of the real essence of any coup d’etat, whatever name it takes (revolution, classjustified struggle, etc) and whatever banners it bears in history, and whatever propaganda and ideological falcifications determine it.

The Constitution of any state ruled by law acknowledges any evolution in the development of the sociaty based on legal principles. Any change of institutes or social system in a state can be realised through the force of laws, which comply with the public expression of will (referendum). In national legislation of the present-day states there are no norms, which establish revolutionary convulsions as legal, which are based on illegitimate take-over with the use of force.

One hundred and ten years ago, at the initiative of Russia, the Second International Peace Conference was held in The Hague. It adopted 10 conventions on the laws and customs of war that laid the foundation for the system of international humanitarian law. It became a logical continuation of the 1899 conference, also convened at the initiative of Russia, which established general rules for the peaceful settlement of clashes between the powers, as well as a number of resolutions and «wishes» for conducting military operations. The article analyzes the reasons for convening these international forums and their significance for the world community.

The paper presents the historical legal context of the Second Hague Peace Conference (1907) and highlights the role played by Fyodor Fyodorovich (Friedrich Fromhold) Martens in the successful outcome of the Conference. A characteristic is given to various aspects of the influence which the documents signed at the Conference exerted on the development of International Law, as well as to key factors of its impact on the modern legal norms.

The paper raises the problems of developing international environmental law in its military aspects. The author maintains that current norms are insufficient for protection of existing natural resources which support the living of humanity. The efforts being made in this direction by the International Law Commission of the UN General Assembly are analyzed in some details. The author concludes that a special agreement might be currently elaborated in in order to protect the environment in wartime. This agreement should be formulated in such a way that it could be admitted in a short time by as many military developed powers as possible. A proposal concerning elaboration of the Fifth Geneva Convention on protection of the environment in wartime also seems realistic.