The article emphasizes that the Arctic Council (AC) is a high level forum of cooperation, based on taking decisions by consensus that are carried out by member states on a voluntary basis and in accordance with their national interests. The AC does not meet the criteria of a classical international intergovernmental organization – IGO and may not be referred to as an international non-governmental organization – INGO due to its members. The high performance of the AC activity in the absence of a complex organizational structure, any executive body and a court is rooted in respect for national sovereignty of its member states. This informal international organization of new type became the core, around which a significant group of states, IGOs and INGOs, that received observer status at the AC, is created. Within the framework of its activity innovative tools of financing of ongoing programs have been developed. Participation of other member states of the AC in the anti-Russian sanctions does not become an obstacle for continuation of the close cooperation of all Arctic states in addressing the major problems of common concern in the Arctic. During the sanctions they established the Arctic economic council, signed the agreements on cooperation between coastal guards of all Arctic states, on scientific cooperation in the Arctic and on preventing unregulated fishing in the central part of the Arctic ocean. Negotiations on possible new agreements are going on between them. The model of informal international cooperation, demonstrated by the Arctic Council, is being successfully implemented also in the activities of the Nordic Council of Ministers, the Council of Barents/Euro-arctic Region, BRICS and other international organizations. This gave the authors the reason to conclude that this type of international organizations will be further developed in contemporary international relations.

This article explores the evolution of the U.S. policy towards Afghanistan between 2009-2017 with particular emphasis on major adjustments to the original plans outlined by President Obama. The article analyses the main reasons underlying contraction of foreign policy decision-making cycles during Obama’s second term. It examines regional dynamics and the new developments in Afghanistan primarily the Taliban’s dramatic gains and the Islamic State’s growing presence since the official end of the coalition’s combat mission. It also analyzes the continuity and change aspects of Donald Trump’s new strategy in Afghanistan and South Asia.

The article analyzes the positions of the Republic of Moldova and the Pridnestrovskaia Moldavskaia Respublika regarding the settlement of the “Transnistrian conflict”. It arose in 1992 in connection with the intention of the Chisinau authorities to prohibit the use of the Russian language in the country and unite with Romania. The split of Moldova into two States led to the creation of a latent military and political crisis in the region. The conflict is still unresolved. International negotiations in the “5 + 2” format on the Transnistrian issue practically ceased. The war in the south-east of Ukraine strengthened the blockade of Transnistria, complicated the socio-economic situation of the population. The leadership of Moldova insists on a forceful version of reintegration, with which the population of Transnistria disagrees.

The article analyses the political situation in Abkhazia in 2017, namely, the activities of the government and the opposition, parliamentary elections, their results and the power balance in the new legislative body. It also studies the existence of the third force, which is a topical issue in Abkhazian society. The author examines the grave socio-economic situation in the Republic this year, which continues to worsen, and comes to the conclusion that the reasons for this deterioration are the failure of the tourist season and catastrophic Abkhazian reputation losses. Besides, the article scrutinizes the main problems in Russian-Abkhazian relations, the aggravation of the crime situation in Abkhazia, the current church footing (splits in church congregations) and issue regarding the Gali residents’ status.

The article suggests an empirical analysis of online political advertising in the modern political struggle. Nowadays, due to the ongoing informatization of political processes, online technologies are used alongside with traditional media (TV, radio, etc.) for disseminating political advertisements. The development of online political advertising is tracked through time since the mid-1990s, when webtechnologies began to be applied in politics, up to today. The author conducts a comparative analysis of the 2008 and 2016 U.S. presidential campaigns to reveal the effectiveness and feasibility of online technologies in the political struggle. The analysis yielded the following results. First, the candidates of the two presidential races took into account both the positive and negative experience of the participants of the preceding election campaigns to elaborate their own marketing strategies. Second, concurrent use of traditional and online means of political advertising can contribute to the effectiveness of an election campaign. Third, an emphasis on online technologies increases a candidate’s chance to win the elections. Fourth, use of social networks and adaptation of existing genres of political advertising to the cyberspace appear to be promising ways of a candidate’s self-presentation.

The author reveals the burning issues of the common past of Russia and Georgia and the key points of bifurcation in their relations, as well as the possibility of using this direction of debates in the process of normalization of Russian-Georgian relations.