One of the main tasks of the Russia-Belorussian integration is to secure the rights of Russian as well as Belorussian people as citizens of Common State. As of now, both states have developed unified regulatory environment in social and labor legislation. However, normative and law-enforcement practice in some other lines of Russian-Belorussian cooperation in humanitarian sphere stands behind from intensified bilateral cooperation. In this respect there were the problems outlined and additional steps undertaken on enhancing of dedicated provisions of Founders Agreement of Common State (1999). Joint work of both parties on securing the equal rights in the Common State continues at the parliamentary, ministry, agency and municipal level are discussed. The close interaction level between Russia and Belorussia allows solving positively wide range of questions, related to the human dimension of the Russian-Belorussian integration.

Increased and diversified tensions in Russian-Western relations and first Russian-American relations are not only а result of propaganda pressure. They also reflex a number of conflicting realities of the contemporary system of international political and economic relations that involve Russia as an important player. The role of Russia is especially noticeable now that the process of development of the architecture of a new global system is underway. Hostile or confrontational position of Russia could be a major risk as well as a factor that can change the strategic context of the global competition. The emerging system looks much different from the one that formed the basis on which the world developed during the last 30 years. In that environment a potential hostile position of Russia is regarded as a major risk. But the active involvement of Russia into most important recent global economic and political developments prevents the situation of surpassing the limits of the «non-zero sum game».

In late 2001 Russia supported the International anti terrorist coalition’s activity aimed at toppling Al Qaida being backed by the Taliban regime. The Interim Administration of Afghanistan based on decisions of the Bonn international conference, had been formed. Simultaneously, the Embassy resumed its activity and a new Ambassador had been confirmed by the International Committees of both Chambers of the Federal Assembly. At the meeting in Kremlin President Putin outlined urgent priorities of Russia’s policy in Afghanistan aimed at reestablishing and strengthening of ties with that nation at the new, post Taliban stage of its history. Besides urgent political issues, launching of Embassy’ s everyday administrative and life activity let alone the recovery of the Embassy’s compound, were among the priorities, with destroyed national infrastructure as well as economy in Kabul and all over the country.

The article describes the political process in the UK after the referendum on leaving the EU. Unsuccessful at least until February 2019 negotiations between the Conservative government and the EU are at the center of the process. Considerable attention is paid to the results of the general parliamentary elections of 2017, which brought the decline of multi-party politics. The article points to Brexit’s obvious connection with disruptions in the process of devolution and the emergence of new problems in the central government relations with the regions: Scotland and Northern Ireland.

Russia is the largest trade and economic partner of ASEAN among the EEU countries. At the same time, the potential of mutual trade between the EAEU and ASEAN as a whole is far from being fully realized. One of the reasons for this is the lack of direct access to the sea from the rest of the EAEU, while ASEAN foreign trade is dominated by maritime transport. However, the ASEAN states often face serious difficulties because of lack of modern railways as a necessary complement to the port infrastructure. Under current conditions, new opportunities are opening up for Russia both in the international market for transport services and in the implementation of infrastructure projects. This article deals with such opportunities and associated risks.

The following article attempts, from the viewpoint of Russian interests, to confirm the thesis of the continuity of long-term approaches of the military-political establishment of the United States to security problems in the Asia – Pacific region, formulated or confirmed in early 1980’s by Ronald Reagan administration, based on the analysis of one of the most significant American collective monographs of that period. Special attention to this well-known work is due to the fact that it, in the author’s opinion, for the first time in a rather concise form reflected the then completed process of understanding of the experience of American participation in the Vietnam war (or in the broader sense of “deep involvement in Asia”), as well as the new role of the so-called “Chinese factor” and traditional allies of the United States by influential representatives of the intellectual military establishment at that time. Despite the inadequacy of this approach to the analysis of deeper socio-economic processes in Northeast Asia (by the way, in the historiography of that time the region was often called the Far East), which determine the main directions and specifics of the situation, the continuity of the scale of priorities of American policy in the AsiaPacific region and commitment to transregional and transit strategies are still significant today. The author suggests that at the present time there is a process of reformulation and bringing in line with the slogans of the “New Americanism” of the agenda of American power policy, which will take into account the tools specified in the work of its implementation in the sphere of “vital interests” of Russia.

The author is accentuating the importance of improving effectiveness of the OSCE’ crisis management in the conditions of erosion of strategic stability on the European continent in the result of unprecedented worsening of relations between Russia and the West. Special attention is devoted to the modernization of the OSCE’s crises management potential and maintaining dialogue between the West and Russia, including by creation of consultative platform in the framework of the OSCE to discuss emergencies. The author proposed adoption of several confidence-building measures aimed at restoration of dialogue and finding the way to settle the crises situations. In this context important role could be given to establishing complex peacekeeping missions under the auspices of the OSCE.