This article analyzes the reasons behind the grand-scale migration flow to Europe. It is argued that under the mask of “Syrian refugees” more than a million of migrants from different countries came to the continent. The prerequisite for inviting the migrants was a need for extra manpower due to the decision to execute an agreement between the EU and the USA on the implementation of a program of Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). At the same time, the German leaders expected to replenish the catastrophically decreasing population size by migrants. However, during the realization of the project on migrants’ attraction it turned out that instead of the supposed Syrians in a crowd of migrants the people from two dozens of nations, including Islamic radicals, moved to Europe. German Chancellor Angela Merkel, the initiator of such a massive refugees’ admission, had to sign an agreement with Turkey on the return of a substantial part of refugees in exchange for the promise of a visa-free regime for the citizens of Turkey, paying off Ankara’s costs for the maintenance of refugee camps within Turkish territory, as well as the assistance in admission of Turkey to the EU membership. However, there is no understanding between the EU members on the decisions made. Moreover, there is a growing comprehension of the fact that Turkey has its own nationalistic interests which it intends to promote through the Islamic presence in Europe.

Specifics of present moment of historical development is cardinal change of a geopolitical picture of the world. The period of partnership between Russia and the West came to an end. Partnership is succeeded by new structure of the international relations which will be constructed on much more pragmatic basis. At the same time it is obvious that the unipolar world was absolutely not effective. This world finally disbalanced all system of the international relations that was expressed in the number of the regional and local conflicts unprecedented before, and in return in the last two years of direct confrontation between Russia and the West.

The article reviews performance of a major infrastructure project in the Eastern Baltics – namely, construction of the highspeed railway «Rail Baltica/Rail Baltica II» (Helsinki – Tallinn – Riga – Vilnius – Warsaw –Berlin), the longest tracks of which will lead through territories of the Baltic States. Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia consider the project strategically important in terms of elimination of infrastructural isolation of these countries from the rest of the European Union, which corresponds to an overall EU transport policy goal of creating a single European railway area. Although the prospects of economic payback of the Rail Baltica remain unclear, given high probability that the Project will be completed sooner or later, today both regional and external actors evaluate the potential cargo and passenger capabilities that may come with it.

The article describes history of the BRICS group and its activities as a phenomenon of new multipolar world order. It studies Sino-Russian interactions in the BRICS against the background of Beijing’s foreign policy. The aim of China in international affairs, in the author’s opinion, is to avoid spoiling relations with any country and to secure the status of the second global superpower. The global balance of power is being increasingly determined not by West vs. Non-West opposition, but by new rivalry-conjugation: USA vs. China.

At present, the majority of countries are involved in regional economic associations. National economies are attracted primarily to the neighboring countries and regions. Therefore, the term «regional economic integration» is used more often than the term «international economic integration». Israel is in a difficult geopolitical condition, it has a unique experience of participating in such associations that is in the center of investigation. The research is focused at the free trade zones between Israel and the European Union (EC), the United States, state and economic integration prospects in the Middle East as a whole. In the final part of the article the author notes the possibility of liberalization of foreign trade regime between Israel and the Eurasian Economic Union.

The article examines the problems associated with the expansion of the SCO, the estimation of the position of Russia on this question, formulated proposals for enhanced public diplomacy in the framework of the SCO.

The article centers around some outcomes of the rule of Saudi king Salman who ascended the throne in January of2015 after the demise of his brother, Crown Prince Abdallah. The present economic situation is outlined in broad terms in light of worldwide fall of hydrocarbons prices through 2015 and their stabilization in 2016. The author analyses foreign performance of the royal supreme authority, its motifs and declared targets.
It is emphasized that amid the consequences of Arab spring Riaydh is seeking to come to the front position in the region. The article deals with Saudi policy towards Iran, Yemen, events in Syria, and the development of SaudiAmerican relations which nowadays are exposed to the criticism from the both sides.

This article focuses on the legal status of Jerusalem - one of the most complex and debated issues of international law and international politics. Before the establishment of Israel in 1948, over the centuries in the Ottoman period and the years of the British Mandate there was no legally binding bilateral or international treaty that would clearly define the legal status of Jerusalem. However, both the Turkish authorities and the British administration in Palestine preceding from the fact that Jerusalem is the center of three world religions, fully ensured of the rights of believers of all confessions.
In accordance with the well-known international instruments of law all Jerusalem should be a special territory of Corpus Separatum, which will be subjected to the international control (UN General Assembly Resolution 181 / II of 29 November 1947). However, in 1980 the Israeli Parliament declared Jerusalem the «eternal and undivided capital» of Israel, including the Arab territories of East Jerusalem occupied in 1967. This law, as well as the Israeli law on the protection of the Holy Places has radically changed the Status quo which existed for centuries. No country in the world recognizes Israel’s attempts to change the legal Status of the City.
In the present article the following aspects are analyzed:
• The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem, before the establishment of the British mandate over Palestine in 1922;
• The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem in accordance with the international law instruments;
• The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem after the partition of the City on the Israeli and Jordanian enclaves in 1948;
• Change of the Status of the Holy Places of Jerusalem after the June 1967 War and the impact of this transformation both on the Arab-Israeli and the Palestinian-Israeli conflicts;
• Actions taken by Israel to change the Status of the Temple Mount;
• The problem of the Status of Jerusalem in the Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process.

The paper suggests a description of the place occupied in Tajikistan by the largest and less populated territory of the republic, namely Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region, inhabited mostly by relative to Tajiks Pamiri peoples that possess ethnic and confessional identity of their own and speak about a dozen of Easter Iranian languages. A part of the region is also inhabited by a small number of nomadic Kyrgyz clans.
The role of the region and its population in the history, economic and political development of Tajikistan, especially in post-Soviet period, as well as its future potential and possible threats to its peoples are considered at some length.

The paper is devoted to the analysis of internal and foreign political processes in Georgia in 2015. This analytical chronicle is to trace and describe the most important tendencies in such fields as the contention between political parties, the balance within the ruling coalition and the relations with Georgia’s key foreign partners. Though “Georgian Dream” (GD) government met the crisis and had to change premier by the end of the year, it managed to keep the leading position in domestic politics. The main opponent of the GD, the United National Movement (UNM) could not increase its influence. The Republican party of Georgia, the member of ruling coalition that has rather weak support from the voters, was able to strengthen its position in the government by getting some key offices. The expansion of cooperation with NATO does not bring near prospects of membership. Although every single measure the sides are taking seems to be insignificant, as a complex these measures can lead to a deeper involvement of NATO and USA in the South Caucasus. The relations with European Union are inertial and strongly overestimated in Georgian internal politics. The relations with Russia are routinized; both sides acknowledge the achievements of the normalization and do not expect any breakthrough.

After removal of M. Saakashvili from the Georgian political scene, a progress in relations between Russia and Georgia can be observed. In this context, the wide attention has been drawn to the issue of reburial of the Georgian kings Vakhtang VI and Teimuraz II. The article discusses the negotiation process, lasted from 2002 to 2014, between the Georgian Church and the Russian Church concerning the transfer of the remains of the Georgian kings, as well as the motives, goals and arguments of the parties.
An analysis of the negotiations has led to the conclusion that the issue of reburial has two key aspects – political and moral-ethical. The requirement of the Georgian Church to carry the remains of Vakhtang VI and Teimuraz II from Russia to Georgia is part of its overall policy aimed to strengthen its prestige and authority Kin Georgian society. For the Russian side, this action promises nothing more than image losses. As for ethical aspects, the references of the Georgian side to the kings’ will to be buried in their homeland are not supported by authentic documents. At the moment, it remains an open question requiring further research.

The author considers the mechanisms of corruption impact on institutional attractiveness of the countries of Southeast Asia. It is argued that investors not so much incur financial losses as suffer from indeterminacy and lack of awareness in the future of their business due to corruption. The paper also suggest an assessment of corruption levels in various SEA countries and characterizes practices of anti-corruption activities, especially successful in Singapore, where business and investment climate is considered to be one of the best in the world. Special attention is also paid to future prospects of Russian business in SEA.