The paper reviews the current EU policy on irregular migration under the influence of refugee crisis. This crisis urged the EU to streamline and consolidate all the available legal, political and administrative tools to reach the synergy effect in the management of immigration flows into the EU. However the main weakness of the EU approach appears to be the dependence on the opportunities and interests of the third countries (of origin and transit of irregular migrants) to cooperate effectively with the EU institutions and Member-states in such key spheres as fight against migrant smuggling, security of external borders, implementation of readmission agreements, asylum policy. The author evaluates the state of progress on the main Mediterranean migration routes since the beginning of the migration crisis in 2014, analyses some recent EU initiatives, particularly the EU NAVFOR MED Operation Sophia and the new Partnership Framework with third countries under the European Agenda on Migration. In conclusion, the author attempts to assess the effects of these actions.

The article is devoted to the relations of the Scandinavian-Baltic region states (Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Sweden) and Ukraine in the military-political and economic spheres. These countries had engaged in Ukrainian affairs long before 2013−2014. This happened soon after «the Orange Revolution» and, then, the trend became more pronounced during the implementation of the program «Eastern Partnership». The most active actors on the Ukrainian track in their subregions are Sweden (until 2014 — one of the largest investors in its economy) and Lithuania, which in 2015 started to supply lethal weapons to Ukraine. The countries of the Scandinavian-Baltic region provide financial assistance to Ukraine which is symbolic compared to development aid, but considerable for Ukrainian economy. Financing is traditionally directed to promotion of effective public administration, democracy, human rights (including gender equality), systemic economic reforms, sustainable development (including energy efficiency), etc. From a strategic perspective, military cooperation of the Scandinavian-Baltic region countries with Ukraine is nominal as well. Against this background, completely divergent assessment of the situation in Ukraine continues to be the most important stumbling block in the relations between Russia and the states of the region. This does not give any grounds for early softening of their value-based foreign policy towards Russia.

The article considers the appearance and implementation of the concept of pooling and sharing of military resources of the EU countries, also known as “Ghent Initiative”. The conditions are analyzed under which it was suggested as a means of the reduction of military budgets. Individual programs that form parts of it, as well as their impact on the EU policy in the fields of security and defense are reviewed. The prospects of the initiative are also discussed, including the emergence of brand-new spheres within the general outline of defense and security policy, such as, for instance, the issues if cybersecurity.
Nowadays due to lasting tensions between national interests and supranational institutional build-up the full-fledged implementation of “Ghent Initiative” in common European version is complicated. However, the search for non-NATO alternative military structures within the EU will be continued.

In January 2015 K. Grabar-Kitarovic was elected as President of Croatia. She identified the integration of Southeast Europe countries into European and Euro-Atlantic institutions and strengthening the cooperation between the countries of Central Europe as a national strategic interest. In her opinion the 12 European member countries of the EU located between the Adriatic, Black and Baltic seas have great potential for regional cooperation in the framework of the EU and the transatlantic community. This potential depends on the geographical position and features of common economic and cultural development. In the presented work is described the evolution of the concept of “the Baltic-Adriatic-Black Sea” and the prospects of its promotion in the countries of Eastern Europe. Special attention is paid to the impact of the initiative on the economic and strategic interests of Russia in Eastern Europe.

Food systems are increasingly challenged to ensure food security and balanced diets for all, around the world. Almost 800 million people are chronically hungry, while over two billion people suffer from ‘hidden hunger’, with one or more micronutrient deficiencies. Meanwhile, over two billion people are overweight, with a third of them clinically obese, and hence more vulnerable to non-communicable diseases.
Overcoming hunger and malnutrition in the 21st century does not simply involve increasing food available, but also improving access, especially for the hungry. Creating healthy, affordable and sustainable food systems for all is the most effective way to achieve this.
Since 1945, food production has tripled as average food availability per person has risen by 40 percent. But despite abundant food supplies, almost 800 million still go hungry every day, of whom most live in developing countries. Many more go hungry seasonally or intermittently. Hunger affects their ability to work and to learn. Clearly, the problem is not just one of food availability, but also of access.
The health of over two billion people is compromised because their diets lack essential micronutrients, which prevents them reaching their full human potential. ‘Hidden hunger’, or micronutrient deficiencies, undermines the physical and cognitive development of their children, exposing them to illness and premature death.
Ironically, in many parts of the world, hunger co-exists with rising levels of obesity. Over two billion people are overweight, with a third of them deemed obese. This, in turn, exposes them to greater risk of diabetes, heart problems and other diet-related non-communicable diseases.

The article highlights the history of separatist activities in the territory of Philippines, the struggle of Muslim minority inhabiting southern regions of the country, for autonomy and independence. This struggle has a constant trend to turn into military clashes with government troops and terrorist actions. The differences in the programs and actions of various political organizations of local Muslims are elucidated as well as ongoing attempts of the Philippine government to create Autonomous Region of the Muslim Mindanao, and most recently – larger Bangsamoro autonomy what will evidently demand changes in the constitution of the Unitarian republic in the direction of federalization. In conclusion the article briefly describes the aggravation of situation in the South of Philippines due to the growing importance of “Islamic factor” and activities of international terrorism in the modern world.

The article highlights the political process of accession in 1801, KartliKakheti to the Russian Empire, which was the result of the development of RussianGeorgian relations in the second half of the XVIII century, the article shows that the military-political weakness of the Georgian Kingdom became the main reason for the failure of the prisoner in 1783 the Treaty of Georgievsk, according to which Russia took under its protectorate of Eastern Georgia. Awareness of this fact has forced both Georgian and Russian ruling upper classes to begin to seek new forms of allied relations. Ensuing after the death of king Irakli II between representatives of the Royal family fight for throne significantly weakened the Georgian Kingdom. In the face of external threats from Iran, the only way to keep Eastern Georgia from ruin was its accession to Russia.

The article is about to examine the effect of Sunni – Shiite partition on events that happen across the Middle East in the context of global terrorist threats. The article covers natural-economic realities of a number of middle-east countries with large Shiite population and with territories which subsume about two thirds of the all world explored reserves of hydrocarbons. The priority is given to the analysis of competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran, its ideological motifs and orientations, of their rivalry in proxy wars for influence in Syria, Iraq and Yemen. It is emphasized that even after the final defeat of ISIL political Islam will not take its departure from the regional worldview space and the influence of Sunni – Shiite factor in this process will remain.

Under the Goldwater-Nichols Defense Department Reorganization Act of 1986, the President of the United States must submit to Congress each year a report on the national security strategy. This report under the name of “National Security Strategy” is intended to be a comprehensive statement anticipating the worldwide interests, goals and objectives that are deemed crucial to the national security of the United States. The new “National Security Strategy” (December 2017) lays out the strategic vision of the Presidential Administration under Donald Trump about ways and means by which the US seeks to deal with internal and external threats. The authors of the Strategy set themselves the main task of proving that American security is based on the realization that American principles are: “a lasting force for good in the World.” 
The authors of the Strategy prioritize the protection of the American way of life and American interests all over the world. In that aspect, they see the main danger from the hostile states and non-states actors who are “trying to acquire different types of weapons”. In addition, the administration is demonstrating concerns about the activity of international terrorist organizations (jihadist), transnational criminal organizations, drug cartels and cybercrime.
Different from previous similar documents, Trump’s Strategy makes an evident accent on economic security as an important part of national security. The task in that area is “to rebuild economic strength at home and preserve a fair and reciprocal international system.”
In a rather confronting manner, the Strategy assesses the role of China and Russia in the international affairs. It underlines that between the main sets of challengers – “the revisionist powers of China and Russia and the rogue states of Iran and North Korea”, the United States will seek areas of cooperation with competitors but will do so from a position of strength.
The Strategy pays great attention to restoring military capability of the US. It is stressed that military strength remains a vital component of the competition for influence.
In a certain sense, the authors of the Strategy demonstrate a new approach to the role of diplomacy, and especially in regards to the tools of economic diplomacy, intended to protect the US “from abuse by illicit actors”.
Pillar four of the Strategy outlines considerations for expanding US influence on a global scale and for supporting friendly partners. As stated in the Strategy, American assistance to developing countries should help promote national interests and vice versa. The US will use all means, including sanctions, to “isolate states and leaders that pose a threat to the American interests.”
The Strategy pays much attention to the regional aspect of national security, and, from these positions, the situation in various parts of the world (the Indo-Pacific region, Europe, the Middle East, etc.) is assessed. The authors emphasize that changes in the balance of power at the world level can cause global consequences and threaten American interests and US security. On the contrary, “stability reduces the threats that Americans face at home.”