The article examines the problem of the participation of non-state actors in armed conflicts in the post-war period. The study is based on the theory of asymmetric conflict, which offers hypotheses about the reasons for the paradoxical defeat of developed countries against relatively weak opponents, including non-state actors. The empirical basis of the study is armed conflict databases, which allow us to test sole observations and hypotheses about the characteristics of asymmetric armed conflicts. The study uses the databases of the Uppsala Conflict Data Program Project (Sweden) and the COSIMO Project (University of Heidelberg, Germany) as well as publications of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). The study shows that the phenomenon of asymmetric conflicts reflects several important patterns of armed conflicts in the post-war period: the predominance of intrastate over interstate conflicts; the internationalisation of armed conflicts through the involvement of other countries, international organisations or non-state actors; the direct or indirect involvement of great powers in such conflicts; and the majority of armed conflicts occurring in Asia, Africa and the Middle East. Post-war armed conflicts are often referred to as “proxy wars” because the direct participants in the conflict are supported by external actors –  states or non-state actors.  The issues in conflicts between states and non-state actors are often political in nature, and the fundamental distinction between domestic and foreign policy has been overcome. The post-war period shows a gradual change of attitude towards the participation of non-state actors in armed conflicts, which reflects the recognition of their legitimacy as participants in the conflict, the negotiation and conclusion of agreements on the cessation of hostilities. Non-state actors in armed conflicts are themselves legitimised as representing the interests of particular groups and the goals of their struggle. UN peacekeeping operations since the end of the Cold War confirm these changes. Research on the participation of non-state actors in armed conflict reveals a broadening of the agenda and methodology for the study of post-war armed conflict, reflecting significant changes in the practice of international relations. These changes concern who is recognised as a legitimate actor in international relations, what role non-state actors play in armed conflict, and how non-state actors are viewed by other actors in international relations – states, international governmental and non-governmental organisations.

The article analyzes deep changes in international relations that are taking place in the context of the increasing role of digital actors and platforms in shaping the global agenda. The emergence of the Internet was a turning point in the development of the entire system of global communications. The Internet changed the way information is spread and public opinion is shaped, while digital platforms became a new factor of globalization. At the same time, as the authors demonstrate, the original nature of the Internet, which was viewed by the United States and the West as an integral part and technology of the liberal order, in the end started to reflect the increasing confrontation between states, and became a space for the spread of political conflicts, stereotypes and information wars. In addition, new digital oligopolies began to shape the digital space based on their corporate interests, prioritizing their market share rather than the quality of online discussions and the strengthening of the civic democratic culture. The weaponization and securitization of the Internet is a logical continuation of the crisis of the global liberal order. The complex interdependence, which was strengthened by digital actors and digital platforms, is increasingly being replaced by the idea of digital sovereignty. States aim to decouple from a single communicative space and to create norms protecting them and their citizens from the excessive influence of the Big Tech. The authors conclude that we are experiencing the sunset of the era of information openness. Depoliticization of the Internet is impossible without reducing international tension and reviving the spirit of rationalism in world politics. Only through getting back to reason can we return to the Internet the role of a creative, rather than destructive technology.

The article explores the growing involvement of private space companies in military activities, with a primary focus on the United States. It delves into the specific contributions of private entities to national defense missions, particularly in the militarization of outer space. The authors analyze the strategic interests of government agencies in integrating non-state actors to enhance space capabilities, such as communication, Earth observation, situational awareness, and in-orbit servicing. The paper also assesses the potential implications of these trends for international security, highlighting the complexities that arise from the blurred lines between civil and military space operations. It points to the creation of the U.S. Commercial Augmentation Space Reserve (CASR), an initiative aimed at enhancing defense through commercial space partnerships, and discusses the operational and strategic challenges of managing vast satellite constellations. Additionally, the article reflects on the security risks posed by the militarization of commercial space infrastructure, examining the potential consequences for geopolitical stability and the future of space conflict management. Finally, it suggests that further research and regulatory measures are necessary to mitigate the military threats linked to the New Space

The article examines the tribal structures of the UAE as non-state actors. The author pays special attention to the definition of the concept of “tribe” in the Arab world and its interpretation in relation to the countries of the Persian Gulf and, in particular, the UAE as one of the most complex tribal systems in the region. It explores the question of tribal identity and its manifestations at the present stage, as well as its influence on the position of tribes as political actors. Based on the classification of non-state actors by Vitaliy Naumkin and Vasiliy Kuznetsov, the author examines the tribe as a local and state-oriented actor. Three situations are identified in which the tribe as an actor can manifest itself most clearly. The author concludes that tribes cannot be considered as fully-fledged non-state actors, but that they retain significant potential for mobilisation and political action in crisis situations.

The article examines the development of collective historical memory in Kosovo, a region with contested international political status. The study aims to analyze the memorial policies pursued by Kosovo’s regional political elites, which contribute to the consolidation of the region’s political identity. Additionally, the role and significance of history and perceptions of the past in the discourse shaped by the elites of modern Pristina are explored. Methodologically, the article draws on the interdisciplinary contributions of historiography, particularly the memorial turn, as well as studies that analyze nationalism as a factor in the evolution and transformation of memorial cultures. The novelty of the study lies in its examination of the current stage of historical policy development in Kosovo, a region that is striving for institutionalization and recognition as a nationstate. The article demonstrates that: 1) Kosovo's political elites actively leverage both the real and symbolic potential of collective memory, 2) the region’s historical policy and memorial culture are marked by a high degree of ideologization, and 3) nationalism plays a pivotal role in shaping the main vectors and trajectories of historical policy and memorial culture. The study suggests that the memory policies enacted by the elites tend to blend ethnic and civic Albanian nationalism, characterized by a high level of politicization and ideologization of history. This active use and instrumentalization of historical narratives in public and social spaces transforms collective memory into a tool for memorial confrontation and memory wars.

This study examines the evolution of the Circassian ethno-national movement, one of the most prominent in Russia, and its connection to the Adyghe diaspora communities in Turkey, Syria, Jordan, Israel, Western Europe, and the United States. In the 1990s, Circassian nationalists proposed the creation of a unified Circassia, either as part of Russia or as an independent state. However, these radical proposals were largely rejected by moderate Adyghe. In response, Circassian activists sought a unifying project for the Adyghe both within Russia and across the diaspora, leading to the promotion of repatriation to the North Caucasus. This agenda, which had long been central to the Circassian movement, gained new importance following the failure to establish a united Circassia and the onset of the Syrian crisis, which forced many Circassians to flee. The study analyzes how Circassian organizations in Russia and abroad have utilized the repatriation initiative to address their challenges, highlighting a shift in the movement. Among Russian Adyghe, radicalism is declining, with growing interest in constructive dialogue with the state in exchange for support in managed resettlement. In contrast, Turkish Circassian organizations do not advocate for repatriation, as it could undermine the Circassian movement in Turkey.

This article examines the evolving role of non-state actors in the politics of language, using the postSoviet Republic of Moldova as a case study. Over the past half-century, the increasing influence  of non-state actors in global political systems has led to shifts not only in international relations but also in domestic policy areas such as language policy. Traditionally the exclusive domain of the state, language policy has become an arena of interaction between the state and various non-state actors, including political parties and non-governmental organizations. This interaction, termed the «politics of language,» extends beyond national borders, particularly in cases where a country's population is linked to kin states. In Moldova, the political landscape is divided between pro-Russian Moldovanists, who advocate for a distinct Moldovan identity and the use of “Moldovan” as the state language, and pro-Romanian Romanianists, who promote Romanian identity and language. The research identifies the key actors in Moldova's language politics and reveals that, during the country's independence, the politics of language has shifted from a conflict between the state and intellectual elites to a more complex set of relations between multiple actors, with Romanianists gaining influence. The role of the state has been significantly weakened, as evidenced by the Constitutional Court's reduced capacity to maintain constitutional stability, becoming instead a tool for non-state actors.

The article analyzes the formation of Polish populism at the present stage represented by the ruling Law and Justice Party (PiS, Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc) using the theoretical apparatus of neoinstitutionalism, as well as historical and comparative approaches. Both general features of populism and those specific to Eastern Europe are considered. The process of development of ideas, practices and results contributing to the rooting of populist values and a picture of the world in the Polish public consciousness is also studied within the framework of the path dependence concept. The final part describes the essential guidelines, ideology, program and electorate of  PiS. The party is compared with its main competitor Civic Platform (PO, Platforma Obywatelska) in terms of its strategy, and specific results of PiS rule are also mentioned. Poland is characterized  by weak and unstable connections between voters and parties, which leads to the absence of a stable social base and support for parties and, in turn, leads to their constant fragmentation and high party volatility. Parties in Poland have historically been organizations with the lowest level of public trust. In such a context, parties that can truly attract voters will immediately find themselves in a more advantageous position. One of the most suitable methods is therefore simple, often primitive slogans, intransigence of discourse, aggressive rhetoric, unrealistic promises of universal abundance, sharp opposition to everyone else and the rejection of democratic norms of representation in favor of strong leadership, that is, classic populism.